By Molly Youngkin
Focusing on British girls writers' wisdom of historical Egypt, Youngkin indicates the commonly restricted yet pervasive representations of historic Egyptian girls of their written and visible works. photographs of Hathor, Isis, and Cleopatra prompted how British writers resembling George Eliot and Edith Cooper got here to symbolize girl emancipation.
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Concentrating on British girls writers' wisdom of old Egypt, Youngkin indicates the generally constrained yet pervasive representations of historical Egyptian girls of their written and visible works. pictures of Hathor, Isis, and Cleopatra stimulated how British writers corresponding to George Eliot and Edith Cooper got here to symbolize lady emancipation.
Additional resources for British Women Writers and the Reception of Ancient Egypt, 1840–1910: Imperialist Representations of Egyptian Women
The Egypt known to Bradley and Cooper, as well as to Glyn, then, was one in which British officers controlled the Egyptian government, and the Egyptian khedive followed Britain’s lead. Every Egyptian government minister had a British adviser (255), and much of the decision-making occurred in exclusive British clubs, such as the Gazira Sporting Club and the Turf Club (260). Cromer’s attitude toward Tewfiq and other Egyptian officials, Thompson explains, was one of contempt, a belief that Egyptians could not govern themselves, and this view was disseminated to the British public (254).
Jessop describes this Egyptian art object as “a little black woman’s head, placed on a pedestal close by one of the windows” and says of her: “I have known Her in ages past, perhaps on the banks of the mysterious Nile, perhaps in further ages still. I have loved Her, and I shall love Her again in ages to come. . On [Her] forehead is the serpeant symbol of wisdom. She is of the Sphinx type which died before the Romans went to Egypt—the type which belonged to a past when there were gods among men” (564).
Martineau focuses on the “boredom” and “passivity” evident in the women who live in harems, and she characterizes the Egyptian harem itself as “hell upon earth” (70, 68). Matus does see Martineau as indirectly making the “feminist argument linking social health and the position of women,” since Martineau recognizes that the “boredom” seen in harem women is an example of how women’s intellect becomes “stunted” because they are “valued only for their bodies” (71). Still, Martineau struggles to see harem women as anything more than prostitutes (71), confirming that she only slightly revises Lane’s characterization of Egyptians as worse than prostitutes.