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By David A. Peterson

This publication offers the 1st systematic typological research of applicatives throughout African, American Indian, and East Asian languages. it's also the 1st to deal with their features in discourse, the derivation in their semantic and syntactic homes, and the way and why they've got replaced over the years.

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Additional resources for Applicative Constructions (Oxford Studies in Typology and Linguistic Theory)

Sample text

In almost all applicative constructions, the main pre-verbal object agreement is with the object associated with the applicative marker; there is never a second object marker in this position which agrees with the base object, if there is one. Thus, with ditransitives (and all applicative or causative verbs), it is not possible to have forms as in (59), where there would be one object marker reXecting the patient and another object marker reXecting the recipient. (59) a. ’ b. ’ It is possible for postverbal plural marking (-hnaa) to refer to the base object, however, if the base verb is transitive (see example (26) above).

In (117) we see that both objects of a relinquitive applicative may be relativized on using this strategy: (117) a. -taak-mii] 3sS-3sO-weed2-relinq-rel lawthlawpaa khaa ka-Ø-hmu? ’ b. -taak-mii] 3sS-3sO-weed2-relinq-rel law khaa ka-Ø-hmu? ’ Only in the case of instrumental applicatives is there any diVerence. 2) using the same morphology found in the applicative construction, as in (118). (118) [lawthlawpaa¼ni? a-tan-naak] naam khaa ka-hmu? ’ Finally, Hakha Lai has no valence-aVecting constructions which target objects, such as passive or antipassive, which would allow us to distinguish between multiple objects of applicative verbal complexes.

As we have seen many times before, the facts for purposive clauses linked to main clauses with instrumental applicatives are diVerent. As seen from the possible interpretations of (115), it is the patient of threatening which controls the reference of the subject agreement marker in the purposive clause rather than the instrument of threatening. a? tsewmaŒ¼ni? ’ This sentence could not mean either ‘Tsewmang used the farmeri to threaten Taaynaamkoong so that hei would cry’ or ‘Tsewmang used Taaynaamkoongi to threaten the farmer so that hei would cry’, which would be expected if the instrument object could control subject marking in the purposive clause.

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